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OP-ED: Canadian emission targets miss the forest for the trees

Krystle Wittevrongel is senior policy analyst and Alberta project lead at the Montreal Economic Institute.

If Canada were to be carbon neutral tomorrow, it would take China only 21 days to ensure our current annual emissions were put back into the atmosphere. 

And it’s only expected to get worse. As a share of the global total, China’s greenhouse gas emissions have risen from 19.4 per cent in 2005 to 27.4 per cent in 2019. Meanwhile, Canada’s shrank from 2.0 per cent to 1.6 per cent of the global total over the same period.

Needless to say, with such a small carbon footprint, Canada alone can’t solve climate change.

That has not prevented Ottawa from setting aggressive emissions reduction targets for Canadians. Its plan is so aggressive it aims to eliminate nearly half our emissions by 2030.

With it, we can anticipate drastic cuts on Canadian families and businesses, across every aspect of society. We can also expect it to be accompanied by a fast-increasing carbon tax.

The federal government is hoping that reducing Canada’s emissions will help reduce worldwide emissions.

It is pursuing this path despite criticism of it leading to widespread economic and social harm, being wildly unrealistic, and even trapping Indigenous Canadians in poverty. 

But, adding insult to injury, there’s a good chance it might not achieve its goals of greening our environment. That’s because, with the way it is designed, we can expect (without fail) that a decent share of any emissions we work hard to cut here will simply pop up elsewhere—like a game of environmental Whack-a-Mole. 

This is due to a phenomenon known as “carbon leakage” whereby investment and industrial activity, and the associated emissions (often in energy-intensive sectors), shift or “leak” from one jurisdiction to another where carbon taxes are not as expensive, and emissions standards are likely not as stringent. 

Let’s look at aluminum, for example. Both China and Canada are major aluminum producers, but when Canada produces it, it doesn’t emit nearly as much pollution into the atmosphere as when China does it. By some measures, Canadian aluminum is about seven times greener than Chinese aluminum.

By this logic, we should try to attract as many aluminum smelters here as possible, and make it more advantageous for consumers to buy Canadian aluminum.

But because Ottawa’s green schemes don’t consider the global impact Canadian industry can have, Canadian aluminum producers are currently made less competitive due to the added costs of carbon taxes. This is a clear-cut case of the loss of competitiveness due to locally focused emissions reductions schemes actually making things worse for the planet by making aluminum that’s less green more attractive.

But by Ottawa’s count, as long as these extra tonnes of greenhouse gases don’t get emitted within our borders, it’s a reason to pop open the champagne and celebrate.

This comes at a great cost to Canadians, as it leads to losses of investment, jobs, and tax revenue.

But what does it mean, globally? If our reductions are having no impact on the global climate, are the concessions that Canadians are making worth it? 

When we look at it, it will take only nine days (or less!) for China to essentially erase the cuts made by Ottawa’s emissions reductions plan through 2030. The constrained production, jobs not materialized, and forgone quality of life improvements (not to mention government revenues) through 2030 will be quickly invalidated by these Chinese emissions.

This is why our governments need to shift their focus from local emissions reduction to measuring the global impact of their climate strategies. It should consider the fact that reducing global emissions may actually mean an increase in local or domestic emissions.

The sort of greenwashing where we export emissions (and jobs) doesn’t help anybody. We’re too small an emitter for our efforts alone to make a difference. As the saying goes, we need to think globally, in the way we act locally.

GUEST OP-ED: Let’s not kill small business in the name of ESG

Krystle Wittevrongel is Senior Policy Analyst and Alberta Project Lead at the Montreal Economic Institute.

To say small businesses in Canada have had a rough few years would be an understatement. Nearly one in five are currently at risk of closure. 

If regulators tack on extra costs from ESG (environmental, social, and governance) reporting criteria, it may be the final nail in the coffin for many.

Yet Ottawa has committed to making some additional reporting mandatory, and the Canadian Securities Administrators—an umbrella group of provincial and territorial regulators—are looking at imposing such requirements as we speak.

These new requirements for Canadian companies will likely be based on what the International Sustainability Standards Board has developed.

These disclosure standards would, among other things, make it mandatory for publicly listed Canadian companies to report all upstream and downstream greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, referred to as Scope 1, Scope 2, and Scope 3 emissions. 

For instance, take a canola oil processor in Saskatchewan. First, it would need to tally emissions that result from manufacturing. In this case, this means any emissions from that canola oil processor’s manufacturing process, as well as emissions from the fleet of vehicles it owns to make deliveries. That’s Scope 1.

Next, it would need to report emissions from the operation of its facilities. That means getting the emissions intensity information from SaskPower, the local natural gas provider, and any A/C or heating equipment. That’s Scope 2.

Finally, this canola oil processor would need to figure out and report on upstream and downstream emissions. That’s where it gets tricky, because so many things come into play. It would involve figuring out emissions from the farmer who grew the canola crop, from the consumers who used the oil, from the recycling plant where the empty bottle ended up, and even from the processor’s own employees commuting to and from work! That’s Scope 3.

It should come as no surprise that Scope 3 emissions have been referred to as the “fatal flaw” in GHG reporting, as they are the hardest to quantify.

Now, for large corporations, quantifying and reporting on those emissions is an expensive process, but it’s not insurmountable. Most likely, they’ll just end up passing the cost on to the unsuspecting Canadian public and be done with it.

For small businesses, though, this can be lethal. When the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission considered the idea, it estimated it would cost nearly half a million dollars annually for smaller companies to comply.

That’s not the kind of money small businesses have just sitting in the bank right now, and with 62% of Canadian small businesses still carrying pandemic debt, you can imagine that hiring a compliance officer is pretty low on their list of priorities right now. 

Some would argue that since this requirement would only apply to publicly listed companies, smaller businesses would, in fact, be unaffected. But even setting aside the hundreds of small businesses—a lot of them in the resource sector—that are publicly listed, a lot of other smaller firms would be forced to comply, albeit indirectly. 

Specifically, these reporting requirements would impede their ability to do business with publicly traded firms.

Take that same canola oil processor. Let’s assume it’s owned by a large public company. When it starts being required to disclose its GHG emissions data, including Scope 3 emissions, it will need to look to each and every supplier in its supply chain to provide their emissions data.

If a supplier—say a rural Saskatchewan farmer—is unable to provide that data, chances are they’ll be dropped as suppliers, or have to settle for a lower price to compensate for the additional resources the processing plant needs to spend to get that data.

That’s one of the reasons why, when the proposed standards were open for consultation, many of the over 80 Canadian organizations that submitted comments voiced their concern.

Small businesses are in dire need of help. The last thing they need is a regulatory slap in the face. Making Scope 3 emissions reporting mandatory would just hasten their demise.

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